Article written by Shimonto Chowdhury
BJP-RSS tensions rise as RSS reshapes BJP’s core. Leadership void in 7 states, Tripura delay & Modi’s 75 spark future uncertainty.
A Year of Political Reorientation
NDA 3.0 – Strong Mandate, Fragile Unity
The 2024 general elections gave the BJP its third consecutive term, yet the sheen of dominance seemed slightly dulled. Yes, Narendra Modi returned as Prime Minister, but the BJP had to lean more heavily on NDA allies to retain power—a significant shift from the swaggering self-sufficiency of 2014 and 2019.
Electoral victories in three key states offered a cushion against murmurs of decline. Yet, the ground beneath the BJP’s towering edifice was quietly shifting. That unmistakable hum of harmony in its organisation had turned into an eerie silence. No high-voltage campaigns, no thunderous slogans—just methodical rearrangements orchestrated by its ideological guardian, the RSS.
Silence in the Saffron Machine
This hush wasn’t a breakdown; it was a deliberate pause. As 28 out of 36 BJP state units completed internal elections, one might expect the announcement of a new party president. After all, that’s the norm. But this time, no date was set, and no frontrunner emerged. The reason? The Sangh Parivar wanted a clean slate. Ideological commitment, not personal charisma, was the new litmus test.
RSS Steps In – Ideology Takes the Wheel
The Role of Prant and Kshetra Pracharaks
This wasn’t Amit Shah’s BJP of 2014, nor Nadda’s technocratic model of 2019. This was a return to the basics. From Andhra Pradesh to Telangana, the RSS’s regional commanders—its prant and kshetra pracharaks—became the new kingmakers. State presidents weren’t chosen for their oratory or mass appeal but for their commitment to ideology and grassroots mobilisation.
In Kerala, Rajeev Chandrasekhar was picked despite his non-traditional background—an exception allowed due to a lack of ideological depth in the state. In contrast, Telangana’s N. Ramchander Rao and Andhra’s P.V.N. Madhav were Sangh stalwarts.
Loyalty Over Lateral Entry
A quiet directive was circulated: no recent turncoats should be considered. The RSS didn’t want Delhi-fixated MPs or parachute politicians hijacking state units. Their mission was clear—build a leadership pipeline steeped in ideological ethos and capable of weathering a post-Modi era.
Complementing this strategy were the appointments of governors like Ashim Kumar Ghosh (Haryana) and Kavinder Gupta (Ladakh), both loyal Sangh men. Even Rajya Sabha nominations—from historian Meenakshi Jain to prosecutor Ujjwal Nikam—highlighted a pattern: nationalist ideology trumps party popularity.
The New BJP Order – States Under the Sangh Scanner
A Cadre-Driven Model
The old BJP was a machine run from Delhi. This new version breathes in Nagpur’s rhythm. State presidents are expected to be disciplinarians, not demagogues. The goal? Prepare for a BJP where Modi is not at the centre but ideology is.
Party veterans say this isn’t just a “course correction”—it’s a paradigm reset. A decentralised cadre-first ecosystem is being planted quietly beneath the canopy of central power.
The Rajya Sabha and Raj Bhavans Realignment
July 14 was a case in point. Alongside governor appointments, the Centre also pushed through four Rajya Sabha nominations. These weren’t mere ceremonial picks—they were ideological standard-bearers placed in power corridors that influence everything from cultural policies to international law.
The Seven-State Roadblock
Despite the ideological momentum, seven state units remain unresolved, and each represents a unique power tussle.
Tripura – The Silent Delay
Perhaps the quietest yet most telling case is Tripura. The state was scheduled to elect its BJP president on June 29, 2025, but the plan was suddenly revoked.
Multiple insiders point to a mix of scheduling conflicts and factional sabotage. Central observers like Sambit Patra and Jual Oram were unavailable, but deeper currents suggest that state-level leaders tried to stage-manage the process, causing the Centre to pull the plug.
As of now, Rajib Bhattacharjee remains the acting president, while the party reassesses. For the Sangh, Tripura is vital—both ideologically and geopolitically. This delay isn’t about logistics; it’s a warning to rogue factions trying to game the new ideological rulebook.
Karnataka – The BYV vs BLS Drama
Karnataka remains a mess of contradictions. State president B.Y. Vijayendra, son of party patriarch B.S. Yediyurappa, faces stiff resistance from party factions backed by B.L. Santhosh, the RSS’s organisational point man.
While central observers have been deployed, including former MP Shivraj Singh Chouhan, the matter remains unsettled. The deeper question is: Can the BJP afford to alienate the Lingayat base that only BSY can rally?
Uttar Pradesh – A Strong Yogi, A Nervous Centre
No state better illustrates the BJP’s internal conflict than Uttar Pradesh. CM Yogi Adityanath’s expanding influence has Delhi worried. Appointing a party chief aligned with him could turn the state unit into a puppet regime. Yet, installing a neutral figure may trigger open rebellion.
A reshuffle of over 60 district RSS pracharaks and an anticipated cabinet overhaul have heightened tension. Maurya or Pathak are being whispered as contenders, but nothing is final. All eyes remain on how Delhi will contain Yogi’s growing shadow.
Gujarat, Haryana, Delhi, Jharkhand, Punjab – Mini Sagas in the Making
In Gujarat, C.R. Patil’s dual roles breach the BJP’s “one man, one post” principle. Haryana is witnessing a proxy war between Khattar loyalists and CM Nayab Singh Saini. Delhi, despite sweeping LS seats, is still searching for dynamism in its unit chief.
Jharkhand’s tribal vs. OBC dilemma remains unsolved. Punjab’s leadership reboot was abruptly halted after Vijay Rupani’s tragic death in the Air India crash. Ashwani Sharma has been appointed as working president, but the unit is nowhere near restructured.
Age, Authority & the 75-Year Question
Modi and Bhagwat – A Shared Birth Year, A Divergent Future
Both PM Modi and RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat turn 75 this September—a symbolic moment.
Bhagwat recently restated the RSS principle: “Leaders should retire at 75.” This sparked a political storm.
Congress instantly pounced, asking Modi to “pick up the bag” and retire just as he once nudged L.K. Advani and Jaswant Singh aside after 75. Shiv Sena’s Sanjay Raut reignited the same charge, questioning whether Modi will walk his talk.
But inside the BJP, the waters are muddier.
Will BJP Bend or Stand by the ‘75 Rule?
Unlike the RSS, the BJP’s constitution doesn’t enforce this age cap. It’s tradition, not mandate. Insiders say that as long as Modi remains electorally potent, the age ceiling may remain symbolic.
For Bhagwat, too, no successor has been declared. If he retires, it will signal a commitment to institutional values. If not, it may open the door for flexibility in age norms, redefining succession models in both the BJP and the RSS.
Tripura’s delay and the 75-year age debate aren’t isolated—they’re part of a broader question: Is the BJP a cult of one man, or a movement of many minds?
Internal Power Dynamics: The Modi-Shah vs Sangh Equation
The Balancing Act at the Top
The ideological assertiveness of the RSS is not new, but its current resurgence underlines a subtle yet persistent tension with the BJP’s top brass. Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah have operated with a remarkable degree of autonomy since 2014. Their political acumen, electoral wizardry, and mass appeal have often outpaced the Sangh’s traditionalists, who prefer slow, organic growth over fast electoral victories.
But now, the tide appears to be turning. As the BJP gears up for a new phase of leadership, the Sangh is no longer content to be backstage. With pracharaks getting say in state-level decisions and ideological fidelity becoming the benchmark, the Modi-Shah machinery finds itself being gently but firmly tethered.
Insiders speak of micro-resistance—a quiet pushback within the organisation where long-time Modi loyalists are being reassigned or edged out. It’s not a rebellion, but a recalibration. The message is clear: no one is bigger than the organisation.
This internal adjustment has national ramifications. The BJP’s future leadership will likely emerge from this ideological crucible, not from media charisma or corporate endorsements, but from the trenches of Sangh shakhas and grassroots mobilisation.
RSS’s Bigger Play: Shaping Post-Modi BJP
Building Ideological Infrastructures
Beyond party appointments, the RSS is crafting a parallel structure of ideological influence. Think tanks, education boards, cultural bodies, constitutional roles—all are being subtly manned by Sangh loyalists.
For instance, the inclusion of Meenakshi Jain in Rajya Sabha wasn’t just a scholarship reward—it was a statement on India’s civilizational narrative. Similarly, Ashim Ghosh in Haryana and Kavinder Gupta in Ladakh reflect RSS’s intent to seed long-term influence in governance, not just elections.
The broader plan? To make the post-Modi BJP sustainable without relying on a towering leader. The goal is a party deeply rooted in ideology, one that functions even if electoral magnetism wanes.
This long game is less about headlines and more about subtext. The RSS understands that a true ideological revolution isn’t televised—it is cultivated quietly, patiently, and pervasively. If successful, this could be the Sangh’s most enduring transformation since its inception.
Coalition Compulsions in NDA 3.0
A More Dependent BJP
The BJP of 2024 is no longer the lone juggernaut of 2014. Today, it shares space, voice, and veto with NDA partners. Chandrababu Naidu, Nitish Kumar, and others now have bargaining chips.
The appointment of Ashok Gajapathi Raju as Goa governor, despite his lingering TDP affiliations, was a deft move. It signalled a willingness to accommodate and acknowledge allies. This is coalition management 101—but it also marks a step back from the BJP’s previously rigid “BJP-first” approach.
This dependence curtails the BJP’s unilateralism. As coalition arithmetic dominates policymaking, RSS sees a risk of ideological dilution. Hence, the urgency to bolster internal structures—to ensure the soul of the party remains intact, even if the body must compromise.
In the next few years, NDA’s pull-and-push politics will dictate much of the BJP’s legislative agenda. And while Modi remains the face, it is the RSS that’s reworking the spine.
The Identity Question: Cult vs Cadre
Is BJP Still Modi’s Party?
For nearly a decade, the BJP has been synonymous with Brand Modi. His electoral magnetism, oratory, and global image transformed the party from a Hindutva entity into a mass movement with aspirational undertones.
But the Sangh is now asking—what after Modi? Can the party function without a singular towering figure?
The RSS’s new appointments and organisational structure reflect an intent to rebuild BJP as a cadre-first, ideology-focused movement. It seeks to phase out the “personality cult” model and return to its roots, where the movement mattered more than the man.
This identity conflict is not public, but it’s palpable. Every appointment, every governor pick, every nomination reflects this silent war between personality-driven charisma and principled ideology.
Whichever model wins will define the BJP’s next decade.
What Lies Ahead: Succession, Strategy & Speculation
Who Comes After Modi and Bhagwat?
The most whispered question in Lutyens’ Delhi isn’t about the next election, but the next leader.
If Modi steps aside after 75 or transitions to a more ceremonial role, the frontrunners aren’t yet obvious. Amit Shah is the natural choice, but his RSS equations are not as smooth. Yogi Adityanath has mass support but scares Delhi’s old guard. Devendra Fadnavis, Tejasvi Surya, and Assam’s Himanta Biswa Sarma are potential dark horses.
On the RSS front, if Bhagwat retires, his successor will shape the ideological spine of the BJP. Names like Dattatreya Hosabale and Krishna Gopal are floated—both deeply embedded in Sangh traditions and capable of balancing ideology with realpolitik.
This transition phase is delicate. Any misstep could rupture the carefully layered power matrix between Nagpur and Delhi.
Ideological Discipline vs Electoral Calculus
The Deep Divide in Decision-Making
At the heart of the current tension within the BJP-RSS ecosystem lies a fundamental question: Should ideology guide politics, or should politics guide ideology?
This question has plagued political movements globally, and India’s saffron bloc is now confronting it head-on. The RSS believes in a slow, sustained ideological permeation of Indian society through education, culture, and grassroots mobilisation. The BJP, under Modi-Shah, has often leaned into high-octane electoral politics—from emotional nationalism to ambitious welfare schemes.
This divergence is not a dispute, but a difference in operating systems.
The Sangh wants to build long-term ideological loyalty, which means appointing committed pracharaks, refusing short-term defectors, and pruning over-ambitious leaders. The BJP, however, faces the harsh reality of elections every few years. Sometimes it needs winnable faces, caste alliances, and quick decisions that may not fit the Sangh’s vision.
This friction is visible in appointments too. For instance, the rejection of several MPs for state president posts (seen as too absorbed in Delhi power games) is an RSS intervention against realpolitik. Similarly, the insistence on replacing many sitting ministers with “non-Delhi” leaders is another expression of this divide.
Will these two arms find synergy or continue pulling in different directions? That remains one of the defining questions of this political cycle.
The Psychological Chessboard: Keeping Cadres Motivated
Maintaining Morale Amid Reorientations
One of the challenges the BJP faces today is keeping its vast army of karyakartas (workers) inspired amidst all these strategic recalibrations.
For nearly a decade, Modi’s charisma, massive rallies, and electoral victories were enough to boost morale. Cadres worked tirelessly, riding high on his national popularity. But now, with local leaders gaining primacy and RSS stepping in with firm directives, local-level confusion and uncertainty are rising.
In several states, loyalists of sidelined leaders feel alienated. In Uttar Pradesh, Gujarat, and Karnataka, internal factions have already started lobbying via social media and local influencers. Meanwhile, RSS volunteers are being asked to reconnect with base-level shakhas and re-emphasise ideology over personality.
The BJP leadership knows it must reenergize the base without appearing fractured. That’s why you’re seeing town hall-style meetings, WhatsApp connect groups, and increased RSS field activity.
This ideological-psychological coordination is one of the Sangh’s historical strengths. But in today’s era of Twitter, 24/7 news, and short attention spans, can it still work? That’s the litmus test ahead.
Political Succession as Cultural Reset
Leadership Change as Institutional Culture Shift
In most political parties, succession planning is a crisis. In the RSS-BJP ecosystem, it’s treated as a cultural reset.
The Sangh is using this transition—whether in appointing new state presidents, new governors, or preparing for the next BJP national chief—as a moment to restore its founding principles.
Remember, when Vajpayee and Advani built BJP 2.0 in the 90s, they leaned on liberal nationalism to expand appeal. Modi then repackaged Hindutva with governance to build BJP 3.0. Now the RSS is planning BJP 4.0—not based on a single leader’s appeal, but a distributed ideological network.
This means:
- Replacing transactional alliances with long-term cadre links.
- Reducing personality cults with institutional identities.
- Replacing high command culture with a “collective Sangh voice”.
The party is being prepared for a time when no single leader will be its soul. That is a radical shift for a political culture that’s been Modi-centric for a decade.
The Global Context: Right-Wing Movements and Centralisation
Learning From Global Conservative Movements
What’s happening in India isn’t isolated. Across the globe—from the U.S. to Brazil to Israel—right-wing parties are facing the challenge of balancing central charismatic figures with broad ideological networks.
Donald Trump’s dominance in the GOP, for example, mirrors Modi’s role in the BJP. But as seen in the U.S., over-centralisation often leads to personality cults at the cost of ideological consistency.
The RSS seems to be watching these trends carefully. Their current reset seems inspired by this global lesson: don’t overdepend on a personality, even if they win you elections. Build an organisation that survives leaders and builds generations.
In this regard, India may be pioneering a model of conservative restructuring where electoral populism coexists with ideological discipline. If successful, this could become a case study in global political science classrooms.
Conclusion: A Party in Transition or a Movement Reinvented?
Beneath the outward calm of the BJP’s electoral wins and Modi’s continued global presence, a profound internal metamorphosis is underway.
The Sangh is not just tweaking policies or replacing people—it is remaking the BJP from the ground up. Every delay, every new appointment, every refused post is part of a longer game. A game where the goal is not 2029, but 2049. Not just votes, but values. Not just power, but permanence.
Whether this recalibration leads to BJP 4.0 or collapses into factionalism remains to be seen. But what is certain is this: the future of the BJP is no longer just Modi’s to shape—it’s the Sangh’s to steward.
FAQs
1. Why has the BJP delayed naming a new national president?
The delay is strategic, driven by the RSS’s desire to ensure ideological purity and discipline. They’re prioritising cadre-driven loyalty over quick electoral appointments.
2. What’s the issue in the Tripura BJP?
The state president’s election was abruptly postponed due to internal factional pressure and scheduling conflicts with central observers. The party is currently in reassessment mode.
3. Will PM Modi step down at 75, as per RSS’s age rule?
While RSS leaders advocate retirement at 75, Modi’s future remains ambiguous. The BJP constitution has no mandatory retirement age, and political considerations could override tradition.
4. Who could succeed Modi and Bhagwat?
Names floated include Amit Shah, Yogi Adityanath, Himanta Biswa Sarma, and Dattatreya Hosabale. The decision will shape the future ideological and political landscape of India.
5. Is this internal overhaul weakening the BJP?
Not necessarily. While transitions are turbulent, the Sangh’s long-term plan is to strengthen the BJP’s ideological core to prepare for a post-Modi era, even if it means temporary discomfort.
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